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In March , he went as part of the military- and party-mission to the Soviet Union. He became one of the leading critics of attempts by Stalin to bring Yugoslavia under greater control by Moscow. Later that year, Yugoslavia broke with the Soviet Union and left the Cominform , ushering in the Informbiro period. But they began to pursue a policy of independent socialism that experimented with self-management of workers in state-run enterprises.
Having responsibility for propaganda, he created a platform for new ideas and he launched a new journal, Nova Misao "New Thought" , in which he published a series of articles that were increasingly freethinking. Between October and January , he wrote 19 articles only 18 were published for Borba , the official newspaper of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia , wherein, encouraged by Tito, he developed the Yugoslav critique of over-bureaucratic Stalinism in the Soviet Union, in favour of a shift away from central planning towards more economic autonomy.
He resigned from the League of Communists soon afterwards, in March He also appealed for the formation of "a new democratic Socialist party", and thus for a two-party system.
For this "hostile propaganda" he was brought to trial and given an month suspended prison sentence. He was sentenced to three years imprisonment. In the book he argued that communism in Soviet Union and Eastern Europe was not egalitarian , and that it was establishing a new class of privileged party bureaucracy , who enjoyed material benefits from their positions. The book was a great success and was translated into more than 40 languages.
In , he published abroad the first volume of his memoirs, about his youth in Montenegro, entitled Land Without Justice, which he had finished in , but was rejected by Yugoslav publishers.
Conversations with Stalin was written in after his release, although it had long been on his mind before Rise and Fall, p. He was never to be imprisoned again. He continued as a dissident, living in Belgrade until his death on 20 April In , he predicted that this would happen on ethnic and bureaucratic nationalist lines due to the loss of Tito: "Our system was built only for Tito to manage.
Now that Tito is gone and our economic situation becomes critical, there will be a natural tendency for greater centralization of power. But this centralization will not succeed because it will run up against the ethnic-political power bases in the republics.
This is not classical nationalism but a more dangerous, bureaucratic nationalism built on economic self-interest. This is how the Yugoslav system will begin to collapse. The liberalization you see has a bad cause.
It is the consequence of national competition between Serbia and the other republics. Eventually Yugoslavia might be like the British Commonwealth, a loose confederation of trading nations.
But first, I am afraid, there will be national wars and rebellions. There is such strong hate here. Remember what Hegel said, that history repeats itself as tragedy and farce. What I mean to say is that when Yugoslavia disintegrates this time around, the outside world will not intervene as it did in Yugoslavia is the laboratory of all Communism.
Its disintegration will foretell the disintegration in the Soviet Union. We are further along than the Soviets. It works neither at the economic level nor at the level of satisfying essential human needs and liberties Communism is a 19th-century relic and a prescription for disaster.
Milovan Đilas, “Nova klasa” i CIA (1.deo)
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